Friday, September 26, 2003

KOREA NEWS ROUND-UP

This is a bit dated, but . . . .

The U.S. House of Representatives introduced a bill (HR 3137) “To prohibit assistance or reparations to Cuba, Libya, North Korea, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Syria.” If it passes (given that the Bush favorite Arab monarchy is on the list I don’t know that it will), it could have interesting implications for future negotiations with the DPRK

KCNA: DPRK TO GO ITS OWN WAY

The DPRK is left with no option but to go its own way now that it has become clearer that the Bush administration does not have any political willingness to drop its hostile policy toward the DPRK and is getting more undisguised in its moves to disarm the DPRK and isolate and stifle it at any cost.

The U.S. increased hostile policy toward the DPRK will only compel the DPRK to further increase its nuclear deterrent force.


I'm not entirely clear which way North Korea was headed before this dramatic declaration. Seriously though, if this is an accurate description of DPRK intentions, it validates what I have been predicting for some time (see hereand here for examples).


TOKYO LOSES PATIENCE WITH PY’ÔNGYANG

"Enough is enough", concluded the Japanese government last week, announcing that it would take its grievances with the erratic regime in Pyongyang to the United Nations General Assembly on Tuesday.

….

Things could hardly be worse on the bilateral front, and while North Korea marked the first anniversary of the September 2002 Japan-North Korea summit by accusing Japan of plotting overseas aggression, Tokyo is in an even less festive mood, if reports from the Japanese media are anything to go by.

And things looked so much better only a year ago.

A year has passed since Koizumi and North Korean "Dear Leader" Kim Jong-il signed the so-called "Pyongyang Declaration" during what was (prematurely, as it turned out) referred to as a "historic summit" between the two countries.

The declaration called for the normalization of bilateral ties and the establishment of diplomatic relations, causing Koizumi and other diehard optimists to cheer that hostilities and North Korean missile tests over Japan would be a thing of the past before too long.

It only took a couple of weeks, however, before the summit and the two leaders smiling into television cameras ceased to be a promising basis for the beginning of a wonderful friendship in Northeast Asia. Under pressure from the public, the Japanese government was forced to replace diplomatic charm offensives with hardline policies after Kim publicly admitted that Japanese citizens had been abducted and "employed" as language teachers for North Korean spies over the last few decades.


This really was a significant opportunity lost for both sides but particularly for the DPRK. In September 2002, it was far from inconceivable that Py’ôngyang might succeed in peeling Japan away from its strong support for American policies towards the Koreas. With South Korea already openly resisting the Bush hard line and China (at the time) virtually silent, this may have been a significant challenge to the American policy of not engaging the North. Instead, Japan is Washington’s strongest backer in the region and thoughts of Northeast Asian cooperation (co-prosperity?) remain future dreams at best.

ANOTHER CLASSIC EXAMPLE OF JAPANESE POLITICAL RHETORIC GONE WRONG

Whereas Koizumi is still working on some positive headlines on his North Korea policy, Tokyo's less nonchalant and loose-tongued Governor Shintaro Ishihara has gotten his headlines already, albeit negative and controversial, as usual. Ishihara, known for his outrageous rhetoric and hostility toward China, North Korea and basically everything non-Japanese, last week described Japan's chief negotiator, Deputy Foreign Minister Hitoshi Tanaka, as a "pawn of Pyongyang who deserved to have a bomb planted at his home".

The governor, considered to be a serious candidate for the post of prime minister by many, dropped yet another of his verbal bombshells after the ultranationalist "Traitor Punishing Group" (Kokuzoku Seibatsutai) informed the media that it had planted a bomb at Tanaka's residence in downtown Tokyo this month.

Although Ishihara refused to retract his remarks, he got himself to admit that he should have been more "precise".

"I should have added more words to explain what I meant. Planting a bomb is not a good thing to do," he said.

Glad we got that out of the way.

LAW AND DISORDER IN SOUTH KOREA

South Korean President Roh Moo-hyun is right to talk of equal and fair application of the law as a primary objective of his administration. For decades the police, prosecutors and courts have been used as instruments of government power, with little autonomy from narrow political agendas. But while the rhetoric is heartening, convincing the people of South Korea that the law will be applied equally and fairly will take a lot more than words.


David Scofield goes on to chronicle the sad sagas of Kim Woo Choong, Chun Doo Hwan, Kim Dae Jung’s two sons and South Korean politicians more generally. He continues

Cynicism and contempt for the police, the courts, the corporations and the state are increasing. Stories abound of violent attacks on police and other government officials, as equal application of the law is looking increasingly like no application of the law. It's hard to challenge public contempt when those who rule show little respect for the nation's legal institutions.


And concludes:

Talk of applying the law fairly and equally is meaningless when the people see the rich and powerful flout the law and profit thereby. As former American Chamber of Commerce president Jeffrey Jones was fond of saying, "Some powerful people need to go to jail, the public need to see them in jail, and they need to see the ill-gotten gains forfeited."

If the president is serious about applying the law equally and fairly, then his party, the opposition and the National Assembly might be a good place to start.


While I find little to disagree with this argument, it is important to note that this is far from a strictly Korean problem. I think one could substitute the names of American politicians and businessmen and come to the same type of conclusion

CHOI SOON-HO WRITES OF HIS NOSTALGIA FOR THE OLD DAYS OF BUS CONDUCTORS I remember bus conductors in the late 80's in Kyongsang Province. It appeared to be a difficult and largely thankless job.





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